In terms of the aims of political dialogues, he suggested the following: "In response to such developments in the EU as the rapid unification of foreign and security policies, I believe that Japan, in addition to enhancing its existing exchanges with member countries, should advance cooperation with the EU in the political realm through improved contacts between US." In particular, the following three areas were singled out for political cooperation: conflict prevention; disarmament/non-proliferation; and the reform of the UN. Lastly, he designated the next ten years starting from the year 2001, the "Decade of Japan-Europe Cooperation."5
This speech is the current basis of Japan's policy toward Europe. Among the European diplomats in Tokyo, there seemed to be a misunderstanding that this speech was based on Kono's personal political beliefs and initiatives, which would mean that when Kono leaves the Foreign Ministry, this policy might not last. In general, the Japanese foreign policy has never been based on a statesman's view―it may reflect the Foreign Minister's view but the Foreign Ministry officials do all the preparation. In particular, policy towards Europe is not normally foremost on the minds of most Japanese statesmen. Europe has never been a bone of contention in Japanese domestic political struggles among Japanese statesmen. Unlike Europe, there is strong political interests in the policy towards North Korea, China, or Russia, for example. No statesman can be attacked on his policy towards Europe. For this reason, Japan's policy towards Europe and European institutions has been handled by the Foreign Ministry officials and has been stable.
Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Japan's political relations with Europe have developed, including bilateral relations with major European countries as well as European institutions. In early 1990, Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu visited Europe following Japan's decision to exercise a more active policy toward Europe. Firstly, Japan was asked to contribute to the reform process in the Central and East European countries and Russia by way of G24, OECD, EBRD (European Bank for Reconstruction), and other frameworks, and then, to contribute to the reconstruction of Bosnia. Japan found that in order to finance this process, it was necessary to be involved in the political process mainly, for the purpose of information sharing. Another consideration to be taken into account for Japan to develop ties with Europe was that Europe would surely become a more important player in world politics.
Following tough negotiations between Japan and the EC, the "Joint Declaration on Relations between Japan and the European Community and its Member states ('The Hague Declaration')" was produced in July 1991 on the occasion of Prime Minister Kaifu's official visit to the Hague during the Netherlands' presidency. It set a broad agenda of cooperation and dialogue including international security, cultural exchange, and other topics. It enhanced structured dialogues, which includes an annual summit meeting.
As for the OSCE, Japan has had a "special participating" status since the Helsinki Summit meeting in 1992, which was based on the"Helsinki Summit Declaration" and the "Helsinki Decisions."6 Japan has had better access to the various OSCE meetings than any other non-participating country. Besides attending the major OSCE meetings including the summit and the ministerial council, this enables Japan to participate in the Permanent Council and the Plenary of the FSC. The OSCE is the only forum in which Japan has direct access to European security. It is obvious that Japan has had direct security interests in Europe since Japan is situated in the OSCE's adjacent region. In addition to financial contribution to the post-conflict rehabilitation in Bosnia, Japan provided personnel to various OSCE missions.
