26. See Michael Littlejohns, "Annan criticises Nato's action in Kosovo," The Financial Times, (September 9, 1999), p.4.
27. Joseph Fitchett, "Target is Serb Economy, Military Experts Believe," International Herald Tribune, (May 26, 1999), p.1, p.10; "U.N.'s Robinson slams NATO's bombing, Serbs," Japan Times, (May 1, 1999), p.5.
28. See Jonathan M. Miller, "Be Careful, Waging War Against Civilians Is Against the Law," International Herald Tribune, (May 13, 1999), p.6; "Gowned Warriors," The Economist, (May 15, 1999), p.54.
29. See Steven Erlanger, "NATO Bombing Sparked Butchery, Survivors Say" International Herald Tribune (June 21, 1999), p.5.
30. Robert J. Samuelson, "Good Intentions Are No Excuse," International Herald Tribune, (June 3, 1999), p.10. On the same point see William Pfaff, "Moral Hollow at NATO's core," Japan Times, (May 15, 1999), p.20. For military criticisms of this approach see Bradley Graham and Dana Priest, "Professional Consensus: No Way to Fight a War," International Herald Tribune, (June 7, 1999), p.8.
31. For example, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, has said as much. See We the peoples.' the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first century, Report of the Secretary-General to the UN General Assembly, A/54/2000, (March 27, 2000), p.7. See also Richard Falk, On Humane Governance.' Toward a New Global Politics, Pennsylvania State University Press: University Park, Penn, (1995).
32. See Hidemi Suganami, The Domestic Analogy and World Order Proposals, (Cambridge: Cambridge Universty Press, 1988).
33. Others have made basically the same argument, most notably Michael Walzer. See Just and Unjust Wars, pp.58-63.
34. Similarly, as part of the underlying social contract that is underwritten through tax revenues, there is the presumption and expectation on the part of private citizens that they can seek protection should the rules be violated regardless of whether it takes place in private or public spaces.
35. Francis M. Deng, Sadikiel Kimaro, Terrence Lyons, Donald Rothchild, and I. William Zartman, Sovereignty as Responsibility: Conflict Management in Africa Brookings: Washington D.C. (1996), p. xviii. This reasoning follow others notably Michael Walzer. See Amstutz, International Ethics pp.124-5.
36. See We the peoples.' the role of the United Nations in the twenty-first century, Report of the Secretary-General, UN General Assembly, A/54/2000 (March 27, 2000), pp.33-6.
37. For one answer to this see Steven J. Solarz and Michael E. O'Hanlon "Humanitarian Intervention: When Is Force Justified? Washington Quarterly 20:4, pp.3-14.
38. This issue has surfaced with respect to initial estimates of the number of people killed as a result of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo which exceeded the subsequent accounting.
39. Olara A. Otunnu, "The Peace and Security Agenda of the United Nations: From a Crossroads into the Next Century" in Envisioning the United Nations in the 27st Century Proceedings of the Inaugural Symposium on the United Nations System in the 21st Century, 21-22 November 1995, (UNU Press: Tokyo, 1997), p.32.
40. Quoted in Bruno Simma NATO, the U.N. and the Use of Force: Legal Aspects Paper presented at two Policy Roundtables organized by the United Nations Association of the United States in New York and Washington D.C. (March 11/12 1999).
41. For a particularly scathing critique see Gordon Smith and Moises Naim, Altered States.' Globalization, Sovereignty, and Governance, International Development Research Centre: Ottawa (2000), p.28.
42. Guicherd, "International Law and the War in Kosovo" p.25.
43. See Otannu, "The Peace and Security Agenda of the United Nations", pp.23-25.
44. For some useful suggestions in this regard see Smith and Naim, Altered States pp.28-9. Debate should also be launched on the sensitive topic of whether force could be employed in exceptional circumstance without the UN Security Council's explicit authorization due to time constraints. What if the urgency of situation precludes even seeking authorization or relying on non-coercive means? For example, would preventing the suspected imminent use of weapons of mass destruction justify acting unilaterally without UN authorization. On this see Hoffman, "The Politics and Ethics of Military Intervention," p.40.
