1. DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS IN POPULATION CHANGE
Relevant aspects of population change should be stressed especially under the following 4 aspects:

(1) The rise of individual life expectancy
The life expectancy of a newbom child one hundred years ago in Europe was 35 to 40 years, in 1970 it was about 70 years, and at the end of the eighties it increased to 75 years of age.
There are some differences in the European countries, however - and also differences between men and women.
Even between the two parts of our re-united country there is a difference of about 3 years: the life expectancy for male newborm in 1989/90 in Western Germany amounted to 72.1 years, in Eastern Germany 69.7, for female newborn 78.8 in Western Germany, 75.7 in the Eastern part.
In other European countries, life expectancy is even lower (USSR 64.2; Hungary 65.7, Poland 66.8 Rumania 67.1, Czechoslovakia 67.7 for the male newborn), in other European countries much higher. The highest life expectancy for male newborn exists in Iceland with 74.9 years, in Greece with 74.1 and in Sweden and Spain with 74.0 - followed by Switzerland (73.8 years) and by the Netherlands with 73.7 years of age.
For female newborn children, the highest life expectancy exists in Switzerland with 80.7 years, in France with 80.3, Netherlands with 80.2 and Sweden and Spain with 80.0 years. - The lowest life expectancy for female newborn in the European Region exists in Rumania with 72.2, USSR with 73.3, Hungary and Yugoslavia with 73.9, as well as Bulgaria with 74.7 years of age (Table 1).

Table 1 Lebenserwartung neugeborener

In Eastern European countries the average 60-year-old man can look forward to 16.9 more years of his life; men of the same age from Northern, Southern, and Western European countries can hope for 19.8 more years - a 3 years, difference! 60-year-old women,in Eastern European countries can expect 22.5 more years; those from Southern European countries 25.9, and from Northern and Western European countries 28.5more years (Table 2).

Table 2 Global Projections of Life Expectancy (five year averages) for 1990

In Japan in 1947, the average life expectancy of a man was 50.6, of a woman 53.96 years; in 1988, the life expectancy went up to 75.54 for men and to 81.30 for women.

(2) The aging population
We are living in a "graying world". One hundred years ago, the percentage of persons 60 years old and older in Germany was 5%, today it is 22%; in the year 2000, it will be 26 to 27%, and in 2030. 40 years from now. when the teenagers of today will be retired persons. 35-42% of the whole population of Germany will be 60 and older. - Today in Germany. 25.5% of all women are 60 and more (and 15% of all men).
But we got an increase also in the group of the 70-. 80-, 90-, and 100-year-old persons. 20 years ago, we had only 385 centenarians in our country; in 1990, our Bundesprasident Richard v. Weizsacker congraru-lated 3014 persons on their birthday of one hundred and more years (482 men and 2532 women); for the year 2000, more than 1300 centenarians Table 1 Lebenserwartung Neugeborener are to be expected.
The proportion of men and women in the general population of Germany is 100:1 1 1 ; in the age-group 60 and over, 100:200, in the age-group 85 and over, 100:300, and in the group of the centenarians 100: more than 500. This surplus of women partially results from the two World Wars, but also from the higher life expectancy of women.
The family status of elderly men and women is very different. About 86% of all men 60 years old and older, but only 50% of all women of this age-group, are married. - In the age-group 75 and over, 63.4% of all men, but only 16.1% of the women are married; 30% of the men but 70.4% of the women are widowed. The percentage of "singles" (never married) is relatively low (4.5% of the men and 10.9% of the women); that of the divorced is only 1 .5% (men) and 2.6% (women). The percent-age of divorces is rising in the group of the aged of tomorrow. Every third marriage, contracted after 1975, underwent divorce during the Following 15 years (1975-1990). And the number of second marriages decreased. The number of the so-called "non-paper-marriages" keeps going up, which will have some implications for the care of the elderly in the next future.
Today 25 to 30% of all 60-year-old and older men and women haven't got children, due to the fact that the two World Wars especially didn't favor women to get married. The same historical events (World War I and II) took also away husbands and children.

(3) The proportion between the different age groups
One hundred years ago, the proportion of persons beyond and below 75 years was 1:79; 1925 the ratio was 1:67: 1936 1:45; 1950 1:35; 1970 1:25, 1982 1:14.8, and 1990 1:12.4 - and in the year 2020 it will be 1:8.7.
One hundred years ago, the proportion of persons 75 years old and older - compared to 20- to 60-year-old persons (the so-called "active age group") - was 1:38; today it is 1:7. It is this proportion we must have in mind when we are discussing problems of caring for the elderly.

(4) Structure of households
There is an important trend from the three-generation-household over the two-generation-household to the one-generation-household.
In 1972, only 3.5% of all of the 23 million households in Germany were three-generation-households. 1982 this small number went down to l.9%, and in 1990, to only 1.1%. The number of two-generation-house-holds as well is decreasing, whereas that of one-generation- or one-per-son-households is increasing. At the beginning of the century, at least daughters lived at their parents' home until their marriage. Soon after the marriage, the first child was born and this way they lived in another two-generation-household, where, in most of the cases, they remained until the youngest child had grown up. Today most women spend only 50% of their lifetime in a two-generation-household. The average person today is living 20 years together with the parents in a two-generation-household, - and if he/she is married and/or has children (normally only one; sometimes 2 and very seldom 3) she/he is living 20 more years with the children in a two-person-household - that means, this person is living in a one-generation-household for about 40 years of her/his life.
From all the people 65 years old and older, nearly 40% are living in a one-person-household, 40% in one-generation-households, 10% in two-generation-households and - in this age group, about 4% in three-genera-tion-households. In nursing homes or homes for the aged, 4% are living.
It should be remembered, however, that according to many studies conducted in many countries of Europe, this change in household-struc-ture should not be identified with isolation of the elderly, as frequent intergenerational contacts are reported independently from the household structure.
Even if the majority of the very old persons still are active and competent, these changes in the household structure should be remembered whenever problems of caring for the aged are discussed.

(5) From the three-generation-family to the four- or five-generation-family
In former times, it was not common that a newborn child had the opportunity of knowing his four grandparents. Today a child very frequently comes to know all of her/his 4 grandparents, and very often 2 or 3 great-grandparents, too. Persons in their sixties with great-grand-child(ren) are quite common - and also 60-year-old and older persons who are caring for their parents. Due to this fact, since some years, gerontologists lay stress on the fact that discussions on three-generation-families no longer are relevant for the contemporary demographic situation, as there is a remarkable increase of four-(and five-)generation-families.
That means, that caring for an elderly family member very often is done by grandparents. And in 1983, we conducted a study on five-gen-eration-families in Germany with a sample of 417 five-generation-fami-lies. Only 10% of the great-great-grandmothers (average age 92; from 87-103) were living in homes for the aged or nursery homes; 90% were living at their private homes. 30% were living alone, managed their own household, and took care of themselves. 50% of the great-great-grand-mothers lived together with their daughters (the great-grandmother!), and only 4% lived in the family of their sons (the great-grandfather); 6% lived together with their grandchildren, which were grandparents themselves.
In 1985, we have conducted a study on elderly daughters caring for their old parents. The age of the daughters (which sometimes were grandmothers, too) was 55 to 70!
We have to learn from statistics in one of our Regions (Nordrrhein-Westfalen) that 50% of all caring family members are women 65 years old and older; 25% of all caring family members are 75 years old and older (they are caring for their husband).
These trends ask for conclusions to be drawn into different directions. To extend the life span should not be identified with an extension of the process of dying. It is not only important to add years to life, but also to add life to years! "Our life expectancy is dependent from our life-style. Life expectancy does not only mean length of life, but also quality of life; it does not only count how old one will be, but how one will get old" (Schaefer, 1975).
What can be done to secure a high quality of life in the higher ages? Obviously hygiene, preventive care, and a good general health care system are needed. However, in order to maintain really a high degree of quality of life, interdisciplinary cooperation is needed. Gerontology is a challenge for scientists of many disciplines!
From this point of view, the problem becomes decisive of how to enable the individual by optimization of his development, stimulation of his own initiative and activity to remain independent of services for care and nursing. To become old and maintain a high degree of well-being depends also on the own activity. To age is a task which has to be approached already in early years and which becomes increasingly relevant with increasing age. To age and maintain some feeling of well-being is a task for the individual as well as for the society.
For a high degree of psychophysical well-being in old age, it is important to optimize the development of the individual by stimulation and training already in childhood and adolescence in physical, social, and mental activity of the individual. - In the early and middle adulthood it is necessary to stress prevention measures in the biological, psychological and social areas. It is possible to avoid physical and also mental decline by stimulation and activation, by training measures. Furthermore a decline of abilities can be avoided if a reactivation of these activities and competencies are initiated immediately after some breakdowns or crisis situations by rehabilitation measures.

2. POLICY FOR THE ELDERLY
A policy for the elderly has to be based on three main issues:

- the first is maintaining and increasing the competencies of the aging population in order to prevent dependency;
- the second is the extension and improvement of geriatric rehabilitation measures in order to re-enable the elderly for an independent life. It is necessary to promote rehabilitation programs for the aged;
- the third is to solve the problems of the dependent and frail elderly, i.e. the problems of caring.

In the discussion on main issues of a policy for the aged, the problem of dependency in old age is attracting increasingly the attention of the general public. From this emphasis on problems of caring for de-pendent elderly, the image of later adulthood is influenced in a negative direction. Middle aged persons approaching old age will develop negative expectations which - according to many insights in the behavioral sciences - will have negative effects on the adjustment to problems of old age. Life in old age itself is getting more and more difficult in a society which concludes from the discussion mentioned above, that being old is identical with becoming dependent.
The proportion of persons beyond 60 years living in institutions kept staying around 3% during the last thirty years in our country. It is true, this percentage rises from 0.6% in the 60- to 70-year-old, over 2.4% of the 70- to 80-year-old, 10% of the 80- to 90-year-old, to 21% for those beyond 90 years of age. Only a minority, however, of these institutionalized elderly people need full-time care. On the other hand, there are de-pendent elderly, living at home, which were cared for by their spouses or by their daughters or daughters-in-law. The percentage of these frail and dependent elderly rises from 1 .4% in the 60- to 70-year-old, over about 10% of the 70- to 80-year-old, 19% of the 80- to 90-year-old, and 20% of those beyond 90 years of age.
This means that 98% of all 60- to 70-year-oid persons are competent and able to manage their daily life without any help. In the group of the 70- to 80-year-old, 88% are competent, in the group of the 80- to 90-year-old 70%, and in the group of persons 90 years old and older, 59% are competent and independent.
Experts from the International Association of Gerontology stated in their "Message to the World Assembly on Aging of the United Nations" held in August 1982 in Vienna:
When we are discussing problems of care, we have to know, that "most elderly people enjoy a reasonably good health and are, within their limitations, capable of productive activities. Many governmental policies, however, fail to recognize the physical, intellectual and emotional capacities and needs of the elderly. This negative thinking influences physical health and mental competence and produces dependency. Society must recognize the elderly as a resource which would benefit society and the elderly themselves." (Gerontology, 28, 271-280, 1981).
Policy for the aged is more than policy for care. And policy for care has to include also aspects other than financial ones. It is true however, that at present in our country the discussion is dominated by financial aspects. Living in Homes for the Aged, the monthly costs for full board amounting to about DM 2.000 are covered by the pensions; only a small group, especially elderly women, need social welfare support for these costs. But the situation is different for those persons living in Nursing Homes or nursing departments of Homes for the Aged. For these, the monthly sum needed goes up to 4.000 - 5.000 DM, and cannot be covered by the average pension of around 2.000.-DM. Therefore 70% of nursing-home-patients need to be supported by Social Welfare, which has some effects also on the income of their children, who - if they earn enough money - have to pay for their parents before social welfare support isgiven. The German Law on Social Welfare expects that sons and daughters contribute to the costs for the care of their parents as much as they are able to.
The discussion on the introduction of insurance for the case of dependency is going on in our country for 20 years nows. At that time already, Gerontologists have been recommending a reform of our social system, conveying some guarantee against the economic crises in families with dependent persons living in institutions. Politicians of that period opposed this reform as they were afraid that families would bring their elderly family members into institutions. The example of the Netherlands served as a warning in this instance, where 5 to 6% of all persons beyond 60 years of age are living in institutions, the costs being covered by the National Government. On the other hand, dependent people in the Netherlands living in institutions have an access to intensive measures of rehabilitation. Therefore, coming to a Home for the Aged in the Netherlands is no one-way road. Many people in this country return home to their families after some weeks' or months' stay in a nursing home.
This is not true for our country.
Major efforts of our politicians aim at keeping dependent persons in their families as long as possible. One of the instruments for attaining this end, is the improvement of part-time social and health-care ("Sozialstationen") providing some elementary medical services, like injections, as well as basic care, like bathing, meals on wheels, cleaning the apartment, and laundry services.
Since January 1991, a new law offering financial benefits for families caring for an elderly person became effective. If the family is using the assistance of an expert aid, the equivalence of 25 hours of these costs (725.-DM) are refunded by the health insurance system. If family members themselves are providing the full amount of care, they receive an amount of 400.-DM (tax-free). It was expected that the majority of family members would make use of the larger amount for the paid professional aid. It turned out, however, that 90% of the family members are caring for their dependent elderly themselves. There are some indications that this system is not always an advantage for the dependent person.
At this moment, the introduction of an insurance against the risk of dependency, once again, has become one of the main issues of political discussion again. There are different proposals with regard to the financial aspects of this system. A larger group of CDU and all SPD politicians are in favor of rising the monthly fee for the general health insurance by 1.5% on behalf of the employee, and a similar contribution on behalf of the employer. This rise would guarantee a monthly payment of 2.000.-to 2.200.-DM in case of family care for the dependent person or for the costs of the stay in a nursering home. In cases of minor degree of dependency the family will get less money for their care. Other proposals do not intend to impose additional costs on the employers - especially from the aspect of increased economic competition after the introduction of the economic unification in the European Community in 1993. They equally do not want to increase the high amount of social security fees paid already now by the employees. Fears are also expressed on the rising risks for the contract between the generations which is regarded as the basis of the general insurance system - so far effective in bringing economic security for almost all people.
Final decisions on the ways how to meet these different problems of an insurance system against the risks of dependency have to be taken in the next future. According to the experiences made after the reform in 1991, attention should be given to the problem that introducing a financial bonus for making family care attractive becomes hostile against all chances for the rehabilitation of elderly people. We all know about the difficulties and strains of the rehabilitation of a stroke-patient. Doubts are justified that all care-persons will try again and again to encourage the patient to regain activity and a little more independence in dressing, eating etc., if this is liable to result in the loss of the monthly bonus of DM 2.000.- or the reduction by 50%. From this point of view, a high bonus can interfere with all efforts to make rehabilitation effective for the well-being of the elderly.
The general aim of any policy for dependent persons is defined by efforts to contribute to the psychological well-being of the dependent person - as far as this is possible. Contributions of this kind can consist of measures for the improvement of family care by caring for the caregivers, counselling, by providing ambulatory services etc. But data show that family care has its limits. Therefore it is necessary to improve the situation in nursing homes, to make the work in these homes attractive for competent workers, and to train the staff of these institutions. When I was in office as German Minister of Youth, Family. Women and Health, I introduced a law to the parliament, requiring at last a three-year training for the nursing staff which hopefully will pass the stages of the parliamentary procedures in the next future.
Care with dignity can be regarded as one of the great challenges of our time. Everything should be done to preserve the greatest possible quality of life also for dependent persons. On the other hand, we should try to avoid dependency by extending the chances of intervention, prevention and rehabilitation, which are tasks for interdisciplinary cooperation, to which biology of aging, geriatrics, behavioral as well as social sciences should contribute.

3. FAMILY CARE - CHANCES AND PROBLEMS
"Family care is daughter care." Family responsibilities (the care for children as well as the care for older parents or grandparents), should not only be assigned to women. The modern trend of family policy in many countries (see Vienna Plan of Action, 1982) suggests "family care" as the optimal and most economic way of caring for the dependent and frail elderly. This trend can easily be seen as a result of the increasing population of the very old, the "graying world", of the economic crises, and of the belief that family care can be the cheapest way of solving the problems in long term care.
But it has to be stated that "family care" is almost exclusively identical with "daughter care", because responsibility for dependent persons is assigned to women. This can lead to adverse effects on these women's personality development and to negative geroprophylaxis. They have more difficulties to prepare for aging and to get more independent. Very of-ten, the aging daughter has to take over the care of her parents at an age at which her last chance offers to re-enter labor force or to take over extrafamilial roles in social or political organization, church, communities, etc.
These extrafamilial roles are liable to extend her own life space and to give her stimulation in order to develop her mental and psychophysi-cal well-being in old age. Our longitudinal research showed that "family-centered" women deteriorate earlier and obtain a lower degree of quality of life in old age (Lehr & Thomae, 1987; Fooken, 1980; Thomae, 1983; Lehr, 1978, 1987; see also Maas & Kuypers, 1974).

(1) Sample and method
In the years 1984/85, we studied 100 daughters of the social middle-class, 55- to 70-year-old, which had to take care of their (78 to 98 years old) parents (88%) or parents-in-law (12%). 53% of the parents were 90 or older. Through very intensive interviews, we got the life histories and data of the present life situation of these daughters and their mothers (86%) and fathers (14%).
46% out of these daughters were living in the same household and in contact with the old parents; 27% took care of their parents, which were able to live in their own households, but needed some help; 27% of the daughters had to care for parents living in homes for the aged, and this mostly after a long period of home care. (Incontinence of the parents, often occurring after catheterization at the hospital, was one of the main reasons for institutionalization).
32% of the very old parents did not present serious health problems, 32% had some health problems, and 36% very serious health problems and were in need of care. Mental abilities were reduced in 14% (lower degree), in 11% (higher degree), and in 15% (very high degree/ desorientation, senile dementia) of these very old parents.
On the other hand, 7% among the elderly daughters had serious health problems too; 56% felt healthy and well.
58% of the elderly daughters were married, 42% were single (13% never married, 18% widowed, 11% divorced). Only 18% never have had own children. 45% of these daughters were grandmothers and were living in four-generation-families. But we did not find a single four-genera-tion-houshold. However, there were 14% living together with their children and also with their old parents in a three-generation-household.

(2) The relationship between elderly daughters and their old parents We analyzed the relationship under quantitative as well as qualitative aspects. Generally we found a very strong interaction. 62% were together with their parents every day, 23% once or twice a week, and 15% of the elderly daughters (mostly with own health problems) saw their parents monthly.

Results:
I just will report some of the main important findings of our study (Wand-Niehaus, 1986):

1) Single daughters more frequently cared for a parent than married ones
All the never married daughters of our sample were living together in the same household with their old parent. This is not true for the group of widowed or divorced daughters, especially not for those, with own children.
But this seems to be a cohort-specific phenomenon. The demographic situation in our country makes clear that today more and more persons do not marry and stay single, - but we cannot conclude from this situation, that these persons 30, 40 years later will take care for their very old parents and will live with them in the same household.

2) Daughters, who did not have any sibling, more often were caring for a parent than those which had brothers and sisters
51% of our sample did not have a brother or sister alive. They did not decide to give their parent in a home for the aged; they cared for them, even when if it was a very hard burden. 49% of our sample have had brothers or sisters; from this group more parents were living in homes for the aged. On the one hand it seems, that the common decision for institutionalization of a parent is much easier as soon as the responsibility is taken over by more children. On the other hand, there is also some evidence that very old parents with many children prefer living in homes for the aged.
With regard to the decreasing birth-rate in our country, elderly persons of tomorrow very often will have only one child. Can we expect, that this only child (if it is a daughter!) will take care for them? I doubt it.

3) The quality of housing did not influence the decision of living together, resp. of home-care or institutional care The majority of our sample (86%) rated their housing conditions as very positive and showed a high degree of satisfaction with rooms. equipment, and neighborhood. One of the most important barriers regarding the housing conditions were given whenever the home could be reached only over several stairs, the apartment did not have two restrooms or the bath-room-equipment was not seen as optimal.
70% of the elderly daughters found it generally possible to have their parents in their own home, but for personal reasons (like fear of restriction of own life space, of conflicts with the husband or other family members, stressful relationships since many years) they did not want it.
We found that ecological conditions like housing quality are of minor relevance for the decision for "family-care".

4) Financial problems of the aged parents promote living in the same household, whereas old parents with enough income preferred to live in their own apartment independently, or, if necessary, in homes for the aged
In this context, we found that the financial support, given by the old parents to their daughters, is remarkable. 42% of the daughters of our sample are getting economic support. 48% of parents of our subjects had larger savings, properties and own houses which will be bequeathed to the daughter. In some cases this is one of the reasons for family care -also when some old parents would prefer to live in a home for the aged.

5) Patterns of mutual help are an important condition for life satisfaction of the caring daughter as well as the cared for parent
The qualitative analysis of our material pointed out a complex system of mutual assistance in economic affairs (42%) and in managing the household (16%). Besides, there were many indications of mutual emotional support (60%). In most families a mutual exchange of help existed. The balance between giving and receiving was an important condition for life satisfaction. The disturbance of that balance is an important causal factor for arising daughter-parent-conflict. In case of high competence the members of the older generation offered a high degree of support in different areas. That is why the oldest generation not only is in a "receiving" position but is the "giving part", as well. If there was a low competence of the oldest generation, the responsibility in most cases is taken by one of the children, also when there existed more children. As the study revealed, this child cooperated only to a small extent with his/her siblings in order to satisfy the needs of the parents. The responsibility for the very old parent is concentrated on one daughter being in herself old. - This pattern of support was highly conflict-centered. On the one hand, the parents were reluctant to being supported by a child. On the other hand, the daughter blamed the family members of being indifferent to her stress (see Kruse, 1985). The majority of the daughters (85%) perceived themselves as the more "giving" than the "receiving" ones.

6) Conflict and stress in the daughter-parent relationship has many causes in past and present
Whereas 48% of the elderly daughters don't perceive any conflicts in their interaction with the old parents, 27% report some conflicts, and 25% complain about very heavy conflicts. Different components for increased stress experience became evident. "Being restricted In the own mobility " renouncement of many private activities in leisure-time and vacation" were reported most often as causes for perceived distress, followed by "heavy physical work". Old parents who were housebound were perceived more often as angry, bad-tempered, grumbling, unsatisfied and criticizing their daughters frequently. Here we found also the importance of a "symmetrical" exchange of help and support for the self-esteem of the old parent - enlightened by an analysis of those topics, the conflict in the relationship between old parent and elderly daughter are centered around.
There have been two central topics of conflict between them:
Autonomy: Many daughters and also many aged parents are being threatened in their autonomy. Such a fear has been connected with an "asymmetrical" exchange of help and support: An old parent, being only in a receiving position, does not perceive this help as a real help but as an intrusion into his life. She/he hold a "minor" position in contrast to their daughter, who is in an dominant giving position. That is why we established the assumption that help is only perceived as real help if it includes the possibility of reciprocation.
In other words: The daughter can encourage the old parents by allowing them to take responsibility, that is exerting functions and fulfilling assignments. In many cases, the very old parents expressed the fear of becoming "children". That fear had been caused by an "asymmetrical", skwed exchange pattern and by a dominant position of the daughter respectively. As the "exchange pattern" showed the old parent in a "receiving position", their "independence" and "responsibility" had been threatened.
On the other hand, the elderly daughters expressed the fear of becoming dependent again - especially in those cases, the old parent had moved into their household. In other cases, the elderly daughter had not become independent all the time. They have perceived the help of their parents not only as an intrusion into their lives but as a hindrance of becoming autonomous, as well.
That leads to the next conflict centered topic:
The solution of the own aging problems: Sometimes elderly daughters and very old parents perceive as aggravating the solution of their own aging problems. In many cases, fears and questions regarding the own aging process could not be expressed adequately by the elderly daughters as their relatives and other significant persons pointed to the "successful aging" of their old parents, as a "model of aging" and refused the "lament" of the elderly daughter.
But even more decisive for the perception of the own responsibility for the very aged parents, especially the old mothers, were biographical variables, like the mother-daughter-interactions during adolescence, early and middle adulthood.
The extend of conflicts during these former life-stages influenced the present situation of caregiving and made it extremely stressful, - especially if the daughters did not have any other social contacts. In those families, however, which were characterized by positive interactions between parent and child in former times, and in which the elderly daughters, even in the present, maintained many extrafamilial contacts, the responsibility for the very aged is taken over in a more positive way. Those daughters who were involved in extrafamilial activities (44% of them still were working at least in part-time jobs and 33% were volunteers in social and political organizations) were more satisfied with their life situation and coped better with the responsibility for the old old parents than those having no extra-familial involvements.

7) There are some factors of positive influence upon the situation of the caring elderly daughter
As mentioned before, the exchange of help, as well as the existence of extra-familial social interaction is perceived as helpful in the caringsituation of old parents (see also Bruder, 1984).
Furthermore it became evident, too, that the willingness to take care for a very old parent is equally influenced by biographical determinants rooted far back in the past. Those daughters, who perceived their parents as promoting and accelerating in their own development during adolescence and young adulthood had a more positive attitude to the care of their old parents. For them it was easier to accept the restriction of their lire space, remembering the wonderful years they have had together with their parents in former times.
But also personality-factors are important. A high degree of independence and autonomy, of self-confidence and higher scores in activity as well as special coping-slyles like "accepting the situation as It is, butmake the best of it","achievement-oriented behavior", "cultivating social contacts" combined with "assertive behavior", are correlated with higher life satisfaction in caring for elderly daughters.
Daughters, who are able to fulfill their own needs, to develop their own interests, and who are ready to assert their interests in relationship to their parents (a feature of 'filial maturity' as Blenkner, 1965, has called it) meet more easily with success in coping with the family situation than daughters who are not able to affirm their 'autonomy' against their parents. Caregiving children must realize the limits of responsibility for their older parents. Without any acceptance of the 'limits' an effective coping is not possible. - But not only aging children are confronted with the developmental task of accepting limits; the old parents, too, have to accept that children have the 'right' and 'obligation' to lead their own lives and to reduce their help in some degree. Otherwise the personality development of these children would be endangered. Daughters have to realize the 'critical sill' which may not be transgressed, they have to realize the limit of their own power; otherwise they would stress themselves in a high degree resulting in conflicting family relationships. 'Filial maturity' - in the sense of 'accepting the limits' - is a task for both: the aging children and their aged parents.

8) There is a necessity to re-think, to differenciate and to widen the existing support-systems
It is very interesting, that ambulatory social services were scarcely asked for help due to a lack of information or to resistance on behalf of the very old parents who did not want "to have so many strangers around them". Consequences for the care for the aged to be drawn from these findings are related in the first instance to the organization of support systems for the caring daughter which should consist of more than short-term visits. Visit-services, two or three times a week for 2 to 3 hours, which would allow the daughter to go out for shopping or to meet friends would be perceived as helpful.
Another point would be the organization of expert-led groupwork with family members. Families with frail elder relatives need some counsel-ling. "It is a prerequisite for adequate coping strategies to reduce the attendant relative's burden e.g. for the relief available by using professional help (Bruder, 1984; Schultze-Jena, 1987).

9) Another finding of our study may be of interest: almost all of the elderly caring women told us, however, that they would not expect or accept a help like this from their own children

4. DISCUSSION
Most of the empirical research findings exist only in regard to two-or three-generation-families, but it seems to be very important to study the role of caring women in four- or five-generation-families (Kruse, 1983). Family care is daughter-care - and very often the daughter is a grandmother or great-grandmother herself.
We have to consider the increase of numbers of four- (or five-) generation-families. I wonder if in these cases it expected that the great-grandmother is taking care for the great-great-grandmother? The role of women in the grandparent or the great-grandparent-generation seems to be extremely stressful. The role of women in the intergenerational context of multigenerational families seems to be a very difficult one, means a restriction of their life space and reinforces very often the traditional role expectancies with on overestimation and glorification of family roles for women.
While it is true that families caring for an aged person and keeping him/her out of nursing homes should be supported by societies, it is problematic to praise family care as the only and best solution. As valuable and helpful caring for a dependent and frail parent or grandparent may be for all family members, and as much as this may contribute to an increase of intergenerational understanding and to an increase of enrichment to the younger generation, it cannot be doubted that the same situation may lead to many problems within the family, especially for the women.